Monday, May 29, 2017

Lecture 11: Agnes Heller The Dissatisfied society

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1. The biography of few individuals have so consistently touched many of the great, if often dark, historical events of the 20th century as does that of Agnes Heller. She was born in the year of the Great Depression, she only narrowly escaped death as a teenager in Budapest in 1945 as the Nazis were completing the last leg of their "final solution" by gathering up the 400,000 Hungarian Jews for transport to the death camps in the East; after the war as a young science student she accidentally found herself in a lecture by the great Hungarian Marxist Georg Lukacs and it was this chance encounter that decided her choice to become a philosopher; she had only recently began to teach philosophy at the University of Budapest at the time of the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian revolution in 1956, for which her teacher and mentor was expelled to Romania and she dismissed from her position at the university; in 1968 at the time of the Prague spring she was at an international philosophy conference at Korscula and, along with her colleagues in the so-called Budapest school she courageously condemned the Soviet intervention and removal of the Dubcek regime before the international media. This outspoken opposition to Soviet policy and her central theoretical role in Lukacs' attempt at a "renaissance" of Marxism, final led to her second loss of career and her eventual immigration to the West as a political dissident. The slogan "Renaissance of Marx" in this context had a double meaning. Firstly, "back to Marx" signified a critique of the official Diamat of the Communist Party. It heralded a theoretical retrieval of Marx's own intentions and the basic ideas of his various efforts at emancipatory critical theory. Secondly, and even more fundamentally, it promised revitalisation. At that time one hundred years old, the original Marxian program needed to be amended and filled out. Classical texts and ideas must address contemporary problems and develop new perspectives. This program to rejuvenate the critical function of Marxism was not merely theoretical endeavour. Official Marxism was viewed as a symptom of the gross distortion of Socialist ideals. 'Really existing socialism' had to be confronted with the emancipatory values embodied in Marx's authentic vision of Communist society. This belief (or illusion as it turned out) was accompanied by a commitment to a broad but vague vision of 'reform Communism'. Only after 1968 and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia did the members of the School recognise that their earlier hopes for reform were misplaced and that the regime was not capable of internal correction.

2. For ten years she taught in Australia at La Trobe University before moving to New York to become the Hannah Arendt Professor of Philosophy at the New School in New York until a few years ago. In 1994 she return to live in Budapest but continued to teach in New York for half the year. She was in New York at the time of Sept 11 to round of a close association with some of the great political disasters of the 20th century. Agnes Heller has published over 40 books, won many major awards, mainly in Europe but also in the US, continues to publish on a vast range of topics and travel the world to teach and give conference papers. In the last couple of years she has been fighting charges of academic corruption brought by the present authoritarian Hungarian government. So far these charges have been dismissed by the Hungarian court and appear a thinly veiled attack on critical Hungarian intellectuals. Thus Heller has the dubious honour in her lifetime of being proclaimed a dissident by authoritarian governments on both the right and the left within her own country.

2. In her autobiography Heller reads her philosophical oeuvre as the fulfillment of a duty that stemmed from her sense of responsibility to the victims of the modern world who included her father and other friends amongst the countless innocents consumed in the Holocaust and the Gulags. Approaching old age, Heller viewed her philosophical lifework as a sort of existential detour, albeit a satisfying one, imposed by the vortex of history and the obligations stemming from her survival. Until the age of fifteen, her exclusive interests had been books, poetry, beauty and the mysteries of the heavens. Yet, from that time her fateful existential proximity to the great historical catastrophes of the 20th century saw her childhood wonder displaced by the more pressing need to understand the events and forces that had turned her world upside down. Her chance encounter with Lukacs as a science student in the late 40's provided her with the opportunity to commence this task and she grabbed it with both hands. From that time, she began to construct a theoretical world of her own that allowed her to understand these disasters. This theoretical world centered round ethics and history and Heller returned to these topics continually throughout her life deepening her insights and renovating her philosophical framework. Heller initially understood philosophy from the Marxian perspective of practical engagement. Those who wish to change the world stand before the task of making sense of the flow of contingent historical experiences. While She eventually came to condemn the reckless theoretical ambition that had inspired the Marxian presumption to enlighten everyday consciousness and direct politics, she, nonetheless, has always striven to criticise the existing from the standpoint of ought, to bring clarity and perspective to contemporary experience. When Marxism was no longer able to do this, she struck out on her own to fashion a conceptual armoury that would do justice both to critical ambitions and to the complex dialectics of modernity. Keeping the core values of her life experience always in sight, she was never afraid to innovate, synthesise dispirit traditions and respond quickly to political events and cultural trends as they emerged. This virtuoso talent to draw philosophy from the sinews of the everyday and simultaneously bring her philosophical instrumentarium to bear on the analysis of the quotient is one of the most interesting features of Heller's work as a whole.

3. Heller characterises modernity as the "dissatisfied society". The choice of this concept is no attempt to unveil the essence of modernity. Modernity is an inexhaustible theoretical object and how we describe it will depend upon our standpoint. However, the choice of "dissatisfaction" captures the specificity of modernity from the standpoint of human needs. Heller wants to combine the discourse of social theory --its concentration on institutional and other objective structures--with an existential dimension that unfolds the subject’s experience of, and relation to, the modern system of needs. Viewing modernity from the standpoint of needs also allows her to maintain a holistic perspective on modernity without going as far as Adorno and other recent critics who want to see it as a totalised system. However, this does not mean that there is only a single dominant logic to which the others are necessarily interlocked and subordinated. Clearly the theoretical categories employed by Heller are consciously chosen. She make no bones of the fact that her view is a value-laden construct emerging from a conflictual interpretation of history, a commitment to radical action and a sympathy with the needs of the oppressed.

4. Heller designates the attitude that guides her theoretical construction as one of limited skepticism. Skeptical in regard to the totalising claims of the past but not going so far as to renounce emancipatory opportunities. This is a practical attitude that squarely faces the contingency of modernity and its dangers, which endeavours to grasp its open-ended possibilities and take advantage of its novelty. Such an approach is deliberately framed to avoid both extant versions of philosophy of history (the older teleological and the more voguish irrationalist) while still sustaining an emphatic historical dimension. The designation "modern" presupposes a "premodern" and therefore historical thinking. Denizens of modernity understand themselves historically in terms of a past, present and a future that is truly open-ended, thus reinforcing the idea of modernity as the "dissatisfied society" open to alternative visions. A dissatisfied modernity is a dynamic accumulating, restless, searching society: stability, fixity and contentment have been left behind and modern individuals are gripped by the insatiable rhythms of social dynamism, to desire and wrestle with, the unknown, the uncertain and unchartable open horizon of the future. Heller qualifies the Habermasian idea of modernity as an "unfinished project" by underscoring that it must remain forever uncompleted, that a project with a truly futurist orientation can never be completed. Such completion would announce death and the termination of the openness and agitation that is its life's blood.

5. One striking aspect of this contrast between modernity and pre-modernity is the sharp differentiation between the "limited" character of traditional needs compared with the "unlimited" character of the modern structure of needs. In pre-capitalist epochs, needs are strictly allocated and limited according to social hierarchies and their established norms of conduct. The "naturalised" estates with clearly differentiated modes of life define boundaries, which impose "naturally" conceived limitations on the needs of respective groups. Capitalism dismantled all these particularistic forms, eliminated their boundaries and unleashed the free contractual subject and unlimited individual self-development as an increasingly universalised social norm. Before our eyes this is the impact of the deep historical interlocking of the universalising tendencies of capitalism and democracy. The typical expansionary dynamic of the structure of needs in modernity is the basis of Heller viewing it as the "dissatisfied" society. In the middle of the 19th century Marx attributed this dissatisfaction to commodity production. As we have seen, a generation later Weber viewed it as a manifestation of rationalisation. On Heller's reading both were only partly correct. Certainly both commodities and scientific rationality have colonised the lifeworld and advanced the seeds of modern "dissatisfaction". As mentioned, capitalism destroyed particularistic ways of life by allowing the unfettered sway of universal equivalence. The new dominance of market mechanisms unwittingly gave rise to a new social imaginary of unlimited accumulation. Rationalisation makes its contribution primarily in the form of science. Joining forces with the new economic logic, science becomes the new dominant world-view of modernity. It strips the world of its former sense of perfect "wholeness" and meaning; it also liberates thought, values, norms, and ethical action. It propels the modern individual into a vaster cosmos without former securities yet able to chart previously prohibited waters. Yet, Heller maintains that modern "dissatisfaction" is neither a product of commodities, of the modern individual as a consumer alone, nor can it be sheeted home to the modern freethinker or scientific expert. "Disenchantment" and narrow specialisation are only two manifestations but not the cause of modern dissatisfaction.

5. Modernity expands the structure of human needs as a whole. This idea flows from the basic thesis of the multi-dimensionality of modernity. Democracy's propagation of the modern abstract values of freedom and equality also played a pivatol role in universalising the need for self¬-determination and justice. These values feed omnipresent modern dissatisfaction just as much as commodities and scientific rationalism. All three complement each other in order to amplify the dissatisfaction of modern man, despite the tensions that exist between their competing logics. However, democracy makes its own contribution to the generalised modern experience of dissatisfaction. It advances the values of freedom and equality as universal regulative ideas giving force to the modern individual's restless quest for autonomy, uniqueness and self-definition, as well as some form of participation in the processes that govern them. Heller contends that neither capitalism nor industrialisation alone could have brought about the new structure of needs characterised by unlimitedness. They merely further the universalisation of values marking a new social imaginary. This signifies a new constantly expanding system of needs, which induces the individual to conceive their needs as insatiable. The very abstractness of these regulative ideas, their lack of a determinate content underlines the insatiability of this quest. The needs of modern man are insatiable because our reigning universal values define them as such. The modern value of progress is the highest expression of this. The paradox of this idea of progress is a pursuit of perfection simultaneously renouncing the very idea of fulfillment. Inscribed in this notion is an unlimited and increasingly accelerated development towards the higher, the better, more—a quest without end. In this modern phantasy of ongoing accumulation, the present can only be viewed as way station or transitory point in a ceaseless process. As Heller puts it, the modern individual is born into contingency as both nothing and possibility. Formerly contingency was masked by naturalistic stratification and the divine sanctification of the social order. But as these ideological veils over contingency eroded a new truth emerges. The individual is "thrown," he or she didn’t have to be here and his/her story is one of open-ended possibility. As an individual charts his/her own course some of the available options begin to close. This gradual closure inevitably causes "dissatisfaction” as the options not taken sustain the promise of an openness now closed. This is another measure of the restless spirit of modernity. This brings us to the heart of Heller's concept of "dissatisfaction". It is not equivalent to the Marxian notion of alienation, which presupposed the putative end of alienation. The insatiable quest after the satisfaction of endless "wants" may bear all the hallmarks of alienation, but modern "dissatisfaction" is not the sign of a fundamental contradiction or a central systematic dysfunction that we might aspire to remove, emend, eliminate. Heller abandons the perspective of transcendence connected to the Marxian philosophy of history and this involves foregoing the utopian desire for the end of contradiction and alienation. "Dissatisfaction" is the very motor of the dynamic social arrangement we call modernity. This dynamism is a product of the fact that modernity generates more needs than it can possibly satisfy. The resulting dissatisfaction is not eradicable but essential. It signals not only the pain of unsatisfied needs but also the mechanism of negation and of discontinuity within continuity that is the lifeblood of change. As such it keeps the dynamic extremes of modernity in balance without wild swings into chaos.

6. Heller is no longer nostalgic for release from this endless, seemingly self-defeating, labour. Whatever the distortions generated by this dynamism, the universalisation of the values of freedom and life represents for her the only ethical progress achieved in the history of mankind. Against those thinkers who have turned their back on the emancipatory achievements of modernity assimilating them to a monolithic instrumental reason, she reasserts the enlightenment commitment to humanity and the uniqueness of the individual personality as universal values. She maintains it is this commitment that underwrites both the unique regulative humanitarianism of modernity (its capacity to condemn its own barbarisms) and the modern individual’s bold desire to be judged not by local, provincial standards but to assert their unique individuality. Yet she concedes that this demolition of the concrete and limited meanings imposes heavy costs. The new celebration of the individual personality has now assumed the shape of quest for uniqueness as such. Heller muses sardonically that no kind of power, wealth and fame is below the dignity of modern man. The quest for celebrity is not bound by any sense of discrimination--tycoons, sportsmen and criminals--all share the stage with thinkers, statesmen and saints. Modernity's future-directedness, its erosion of tradition, its demolition of former normative patterns of behaviour, rationalised specialisation and universalisation of values combine to propel the modern individual into a chase after unlimited self-development and celebrity. Yet, paradoxically, this generalised motivation towards "success" and innovation only leads to a generalised dissatisfaction. Not everybody can win in this competition and not even the winners in this contest for outstanding achievement rest content. Repose and contentment are neither viable nor ultimately satisfying options facing a retreating horizon amidst universal competition bent on novelty.

7. Despite Heller's appreciation of the positive side of "dissatisfaction" as an appropriate symbol of the dynamic core of the modern social imaginary, the negative aspect never escapes her. She recognises the emptiness and vulgarity of a ceaseless chase after "success" and celebrity for its own sake. This is a distortion of the real existential task facing modern individuality. The dissolution of tradition and the collapse of normative estatist and class ways of life have placed the modern individual before an unprecedented task. No longer decreed by fate to a "given" station in life, they confront the radical openness of life's possibilities. Heller formulates the primary existential question of modernity in the following way: how can we transform our contingency into our destiny without sacrificing freedom. The Enlightenment affirmation of the uniqueness of the individual lies not in the acquisition of the trappings of success and the satisfaction of lusts for wealth and power in universal bourgeois competition but in a self-choice which strains to unfold the individuals finest potentials in a way that allows them to remain their own master. Turning contingency into destiny does not mean resignation before the accidentalities of received fate. Rather it posits the task of achieving a prevailing satisfaction with the shape of a chosen life as a meaningful realisation of the individual's intrinsic potentials given the concrete range of possibilities. The satisfaction the individual can derive from the thought that their life has made a difference. Clearly even the successful accomplishment of this challenge will not entirely eliminate dissatisfaction. But it is the only antidote against the modern discrepancy between expectations and experience. Even a rising standard of living cannot overcome this abyss as the structure of needs and their expectations rise from generation to generation. And of course, even this rising standard of living is not assured today. Ultimately, the gnawing dissatisfaction of the limitless spectrum of possibilities in modernity is never sated but only pacified by the choices we make constituting a personally meaningful shape. Such individual meaning should not, however, reconcile the modern individual to the general conditions of the modern world.

8. Despite her affirmation of modernity's dynamism, Heller clearly recognises that the ideology of progress and unlimited accumulation represents one of the deepest problems of modernity. This underlies her fear of the dominance of the logics of capitalism and industrialisation. Nevertheless, she consciously dismisses both the traditional conservative and radical leftist totalising critique of mass society. While unlimited consumption is a serious problem with both moral and ecological implications, the consumer society does not signify the triumph of instrumental reason or the sedation of the total population through a "false" homogenisation of manipulated needs. On the contrary, mass society has resulted in an enormous pluralisation of tastes, needs and practices. The modern mass media must now appeal to an increasing variety of individualised tastes and the multitude of consumer options has become embedded in differing lifestyles which maximise the possibilities of individual self-determination and choice. While concurring that the further democratisation of society would lead to even greater diversification and pluralism of lifestyles, tastes and needs. Heller explicitly repudiates the substitutionalist strategy of dismissing consumerism as mass deception from some allegedly higher standpoint. Not only is consumerism beneficial in maximising the range of individual's life-styles and expanding need structures, it is also the most democratic of modern lusts. Unlike the quests for wealth and power, which ultimately lead to the instrumental usage of other individuals as means, consumerism hurts no one directly (the issue of ecological limits and North/South disparity is acknowledged but does not alter this basically positive assessment of consumerism). Moreover, in the fierce competitive dynamism of modernity consumerism does provide a modicum of genuine satisfaction. While not everyone can attain the heights of excellence and outstanding achievement, consumerism provides everyone with a harmless outlet wherein they participate in, and identify with success¬. Heller is more readily reconciled with consumerism than her predecessors in the critical theory tradition because she witnessed the real scarcity of the Eastern Bloc societies and has completely abandoned the idea of a completely satisfied society. General dissatisfaction is a fundamental motivational force in modernity. Modern individuals never expect to be completely satisfied. While they still seek happiness and achievement, the very idea of the cessation of seeking and striving is almost incomprehensible. However, this affirmation of the intrinsic dynamism of modernity is no unqualified endorsement of rampant consumerism. Heller recognises the moral implications of the consuming passion of modernity. Consumerism may be the least dangerous of the modern lusts but it is infantile and irresponsible. The moral implications of the fact that the industrial world consumes in the face of immiserating poverty and hunger all over the Third World can hardly be ignored.  


9. This ambivalence to consumerism translates into an antinomy clearly lying at the very heart of the modern concept of progress. The idea of progress incorporates a multitude of contradictory values. It synthesizes not just the universalised values of freedom, equality and self-determination but also growth orientated values like increased production, money and power. This uneasy ensemble of partially conflicting values expresses the conflictual multi-dimensionality of modernity with its competing logics. The outcome is the explosive cocktail of progress, which forges ahead according to its own internal logic of accumulation. Simultaneously, it gives rise to the modern sensitivity that condemns the irrationality of ever ¬increased growth for its own sake.

10. The multiple paradoxes of modernity (progress/non-fulfillment, success/disatisfaction, irrationality/critique of irrationality) resist easy unraveling. Heller dispenses with the politically dangerous strategy of imputing "true" and "false" needs to others. Nevertheless, she attempts to preserve the distinction in a morally acceptable form. She offers a non-ontological rendering of the distinction, which still discriminates between needs and wants but only on the basis of value priority which endorses the need for self-determination over wants fulfilled by all other satisfiers. Needs find their orientation in the universalised values of modernity like "freedom" and "equal life chances" whose opposite cannot be chosen while wants conform more to the category of lusts, which are not necessarily compatible with modernity's universal value ideas. Modernity is characterised by the predominance of wants over needs in the sense that the great majority of modern individuals gain their satisfaction indirectly through the avenue of want satisfaction. While not diminishing the importance of wants, Heller favours the primacy of the needs for self-determination. She asserts that these needs are present within broad stratums of modern individuals but typically latent. Such needs should not be imputed to subject populations by ideologues or bureaucrats but can only emerge in unrestrained democratic dialogue. All the logics of modernity contribute to the perpetuation and expansion of individuals wants. Capitalism and industrialisation also provide satisfiers of self-determination but only the logic of democracy can uphold and extend those needs, which aim at self-¬determination. Only this latter logic allows for the transformation of a "given" social context into one that is an expression of the agent's freedom and desire for self-determination. Heller clearly hoped that a victory for the logic of democracy would expunge the antinomy at the heart of the modern concept of progress. She hopes the triumph of the democratic values of autonomy and self-¬determination will gradually dampen the modern penchant for ceaseless growth associated with capitalism and industrial technology. Yet, here she also recognised a serious problem. The process of universalisation of values whereby modernity has destroyed all particularistic value systems has also emptied these universal values of all concrete content by way of virtues constituting a good life. Without consensually accepted virtues of this type, the qualitative orientation towards the good is replaced by a quantitative one of the "more", "better" and "success".

11. In the early eighties, Heller and Feher saw the solution to this problem in the creation of mediating norms between universal and personal values. In their scenario of a democratised future, these mediating norms would be supplied by a variety of communities with diverse ways of life engendered by the progress of democratic self-management. This scenario has an important role to play in a non-coercive damping of the antagonism between the industrial logic of growth and the democratic logic of self¬determination. Only if self-determining individuals decide democratically to choose needs over wants can the contradiction between growth and self¬-determination be resolved in a harmonious and sustainable fashion. In this way the "unlimitedness" of the modern structure of needs orientated by universal values could be harmoniously reconciled with the "limitedness'" of diverse ways of life and concrete virtues amidst a plurality of communities. In Heller's dream, a plurality of divergent ways of life would suppress the cancerous growth of any 'single need on the level of humankind as a whole while the moment of universality is sustained in the individuals retention of the right to choose the community 'most adequate to their personality' and leave it for another if this proved to be necessary. For Heller, this solution remained "theoretical" in as much as she could not predict its chances of realisation nor would she want to impose her dream on others who may also offer viable solutions to the antinomies of progress. Yet, it is questionable whether this purported "theoretical" solution was really any solution at all. Heller's dream certainly appears to reconcile "limitedness" and "unlimitedness" in a single vision but is it tenable? In this dream, the perspective orientated to universality not only always has the upper hand (as Heller would want it) but it also inevitably erodes the meaningfulness of the plural "limited" ways of life whose authenticity largely rests upon their unquestionable character. Just as the modern anthropologist can never completely share the "closed" world of the "primitive" tribe even while participating in their way of life, I suspect that the meaningfulness of limited horizons and parochial virtues would be similarly diminished by the ever-present awareness of their utter contingency. Perhaps it is an awareness of the inadequacies of this theoretical "solution" to the antinomies of progress she so eloquently describes that has led to the fading of this dream.
 

Lecture 10-Foucault On Power, Resistance and Governmentality

--> 17. The Foucauldian notion of power fundamentally demarcates itself from the juridical notion that power as something to be possessed either by individuals or groups. In its place power is conceives as a relation of forces:

Power must be analysed as something that circulates or rather as something which only functions in the form of a chain. It is never localised here or there, never in anybody's hands, never appropriated as a commodity or piece of wealth. Power is employed and exercised through a net-like organisation. And not only do individuals circulate between its threads; they are always in the position of simultaneously undergoing and exercising this power.

This dispersed conception of power makes it co-extensive with the social body. As Foucault puts it in an interview: “all relations are at least partially power relations”. Power is not localised in specific institutions but imbricated and fused with all other relations including production, the family, sexuality, knowledge and kinship. Power relations are both the internal conditions and the immediate effects of all variety of divisions, inequalities and disequilbria. They are localised, heterogeneous and dispersed, exercised through a multitude of strategies and techniques while still accessible to integration into more global strategies to serve economic and state goals. This is why Foucault recommends as a methodological starting point that our analysis of power should be ascending: rather than meeting power in its most global and also domesticated form, the forms in which we most easily identify it. So if Weber would try to identify political power with the monopoly of violence exercised by the state, Foucault suggests beginning with the “infra law”,  the infinitesimal mechanisms, which have their own history, trajectory and tactics and see how they have been invested, colonized, used, transformed and extended by increasingly general mechanisms and forms of overall domination. (SMBD, P30)

18. Foucault concludes that power is everywhere, not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere. This notion of de-centred and dispersed power in turn rests on a strategic model of hostile, asymmetrical relation of social forces. To completely capture the fluidity and relationality of power, Foucault sometimes has recourse to the image of the endless battle: changing alignments, dynamic resistances constantly recharged and eclipsed, where victory is only a momentary respite. He is a little cagey as to how far he is prepared to push the analogy between social life and battle. However, he clearly views the paradigm of war as a more appropriate metaphor to get beyond the sovereign model of power and its vision of society as a unified expression of subjects, unitary power and law. Foucault’s hunch is the Nietzschean conviction that behind the appearance of peaceful and stable civil society lies a constant subterranean struggle of aggression, violence, servitude, oppression and fear.

This does not mean the society, the law and the state are like armistices that put an end to wars, or that they are the products of definitive victories. Law is not pacification, for beneath the law, war continues to rage in all the mechanisms of power, even in the most regular. War is the motor behind institutions and order. In the smallest of its cogs, peace is waging a secret war. To put it another way, we have to interpret the war that is going on beneath the peace; peace itself is a coded war. We are therefore at war with one another; a battlefront runs through the whole of society, continuously and permanently, and it is this battlefront that puts us all on one side or the other. There is no such thing as a neutral subject. We are all inevitably someone’s adversary. (SMD pp50/51)

Foucault traces the genealogy of this war within the counter official historiography that emerged in the 17th century. According to these historians, society exists in the binary mode of a race war. Race here need not stand as a biological category but refers simply to differences between ethnic and language groups, to differences in degree of force, vigour, energy and violence. However, whether this opposition was articulated in terms of race, religion or class, the most important point is that this clash ran through society from top to bottom and forms the matrix of social warfare beneath every of appearance civil peace and political unity. Of course, Nietzsche is not Foucault’s only forerunner in viewing social struggle as a primal fact of social existence. Marx views class struggle as the key to history while for Hegel contradiction is the key to historical dynamics. Yet Foucault maintains that the idea of dialectic does not actually validate war and struggle philosophically but rather transmogrifies them into mere moments with more comprehensive rational logic. Thus, like the late Adorno, he argues that a totalising logic rationalizes these struggles. War and social conflict are subsumed into a universal subject, a reconciled truth and a right in which all particularities have a pre-ordained place (SMD, p58). This is why Foucault views Nietzsche as his kindred spirit.

19. Foucault puts special emphasis on the productivity of modern power. In fact he introduce a distinction between disciplinary power and bio-power. The former is a normalising power focused on the subjugation of the individual body through the techniques of discipline. This includes devices to ensure their spatial distribution, their individuation and their visibility, like separation and surveillance as well as micro technologies like drill, inspection and exercises aimed at taking control of bodies and making them more productive. They also rationalise and economise power by internalising norms of control and appropriate conduct. Bio-power, on the other hand, is applied to living man or man as a species. This is more regulatory power in so far as it aims to control the general conditions of birth, death, production and illness that impinge on populations as a global mass. It concerns are town planning, public hygiene, sexuality, life expectancy in general, the security, health and productivity of the population. Its aim is to control the random event, to predict its probability, compensate for its effects and preserve the homeostasis of the whole. These two forms of modern power are not mutually exclusive and can be articulated with each other; they constitute two poles around which the productive organisation of power in modernity is deployed while each has its own specific level, techniques and aims. Bio-power is a latecomer because regulating the bio-sociological processes of the human masses implied more complex systems of co-ordination and centralisation and therefore of a more prominent role for a sophisticated bureaucratic state. However, together these two powers, at the level of both detail and of mass, cover the entire surface of modernity and take control of life.

20. In his self-criticism towards the end of his life, Foucault will suggest that the work of the Discipline and Punish period gave too great a priority to disciplinary power and had not sufficiently theorised how the subject constituted itself through certain practices and games of truth. His later solution to this shortcoming was to move to a more comprehensive model that he called “Governmentality” where he attempted to redress the balance. Government is here understood in the broadest possible sense as the totality of strategies and practices whereby individuals regulate their conduct in regard to themselves and others. Foucault noted that until well into the 18th century the term “government” was applied not exclusively to political matters but also to management by the state or administration but also addressed the problem of self-control, management of the household and directing the soul.

If we understand by governmentality a strategic field of power relations in their mobility, transformability and reversibility, then I do not think that reflection on this notion of governmentality can avoid passing through, theoretically and practically, the element of the subject defined by the relationship of self to self…Quite simply, this means that in the type of analysis I have been trying to advance for some time you can see that power relations, governmentality, the government of the self and of others, and the relationship of the self to self constitute a chain, a thread, and I think it is around these notions that we should be able to connect together the question of politics and the question of ethics. (H of S, p252)

This model has several implications. Firstly Foucault is now concerned to prioritise the self relation as a care of the self, but incorporates the other relations like that of strategic relations to others, technics of government and includes a notion of domination defined as relations wherein power is asymmetrically fixed. Foucault gives priority to the self-relation because he maintains that an ethics of the self may be an urgent, fundamental and politically indispensable task and that “there is no first or final point of resistance to political power other than in the relationship one has to oneself”(H of S, p252). We shall to Foucault’s ideas on the “care of the self” and its implications later. Somewhat before he settled on this priority, he was also interested in exploring the emergence of liberal forms of government. Interestingly, his concern here is not in liberalism as an economic theory or a political ideology but as a specific art of governing human beings. And the key to this understanding of liberalism was a new concept of nature that breaks with its past meanings that viewed good government as part of a natural order—natural law--, a cosmological continuum willed by god. This new concept of nature has nothing to do with cosmological design. At the center of the new liberal version is the idea of “second nature”. Political economy had emergence in the course of the 18th century as an expression of the new bourgeois order and stress the idea of the spontaneous self-regulation of the market. It now becomes essential for government to respect the operations of this spontaneous dynamism and the social laws embodied in it. This involves a dramatic change to the principles of government. Its practices must now be in line with the laws of nature so constituted by internal regulation. Government must now be primarily concerned with success or failure in terms of the exercise of its power rather with the issues of its own legitimate or illegitimate power. The new art of government is no longer concerned to maximise the power of the prince or the state but attempts to ascertain whether government action is likely to be useful and necessary or superfluous and harmful. So the liberal art of government takes society rather than the true state as its stating point. However, rather than concluding that what follows from this changed orientation is the reduction of state power, Foucault concludes that this liberal interpretation of nature signifies not that nature is a material substratum and limit to state intervention but a permanent correlate. Knowledge of social facts is crucial because it opens up a series of hitherto unknown possibilities for intelligent intervention. Rather than dominating and prescribing, the proper role of government is to stimulate and incite. We can see how this new emphasis is so completely attuned to the productive dimension of power that is so central to his critique and renovation of the sovereign notion of power already discussed. These new ideas on nature are closely connected to the biological notions of self-regulation and self-preservation that beginning to prevail over mechanistic explanations in the early 19th century life sciences . Here a concept of inner organisation whereby life functions as a dynamic and abstract principle common to all living bodies finally gains the upper hand over theologically inspired ideas of external design. This new understanding of government and its liberalism provides a new perspective from which the questions that arise from the dynamic constellation of bourgeois society like-- how subjects are to be governed if they accredited both legal personhood and understood as living beings—can be fully addressed. This perspective clearly allows for the exploration of the connection between physical being and moral–political existence. Such insights can now be accrued to the advantage of both subjects and governments. At this point, I want leave Foucault’s attempt to amend his early theory of power with the more comprehensive concept of government and pick up one of the key consequences of his rethinking of power.  

21. Where power is dispersed, so is resistance. De-centred power finds its own inverse energy in a similarly dispersed resistance. The key to this conception of the relationality of power is that neither power nor resistance can be substance. The template of modern power relations, as we have seen, lies in the post 68 politics of social movements. This appeared to Foucault as an explosion of local, dispersed resistances to the totalising aspirations of the whole range of institutional authorities in the bureaucracy, universities, schools, hospitals and prisons. Foucault's ideas gave expression to this new configuration of resistances. But on a theoretical level, Foucault’s interpretation inflects these developments in the light of Nietzsche’s idea of the "will to power" as a ubiquitous, anonymous power in general. While Nietzsche chose to anchor the will to power in life itself, Foucault prefers to view it traversing the social body but metaphysically adrift. He therefore denied that he was offering an alternative theory of power. He stresses that his ideas on power arise from the inadequacy of existing models to explain the historical phenomena he confronted in his attempts to theorise madness, prisons, sexuality and truth. Yet, his understanding of resistance seems to inject these post-68 socio-political struggles with trans-historical significance. Inflected in this vision, social life becomes a force field of asymmetrical power relations, the binary battlefront referred to earlier, dominated by purely strategic considerations. The dispersion of anonymous power presupposes the generalised proliferation of resistance as the mere other of power. The result of all this is that resistance loses all historical and sociological specificity. It is simply posited by the theory as ubiquitous and amorphous. Where there is a power relation there is the possibility of resistance.

22. As mentioned, Foucault was fascinated by revolution and was much occupied with the question of rethinking its meaning. Revolution is quite vital to his notion of social change because it ensures that no power however apparently irresistible is beyond resistance and revolt. In this sense, the possibility of revolution is the guarantee of the continuance of transgressions that break existing institutions, moulds, constraining and limiting shapes and values. It is worthwhile noting that Foucault went to Iran to report on the uprising there against the Shah. And it was there that he found confirmation of his ideas on resistance, “of the timeless drama in which power is always accursed” and of the fact that the modern understanding of revolution, that rationalised it and transformed it into a history that could be controlled by Realpolitik, was in fact the colonisation of an inexplicable, and therefore, truly historical event. He even continued to publicly support the revolution in the press even after its fundamentalist character became clear and it was in the process of murdering and persecuting its opponents. His justification of this stand is very revealing. Essentially he breaks the Iranian revolution into two realities. Most important to him is the revolt itself. Here is manifest the beauty of a collective will that is, for him, bent not just on a change of regime but on radically changing itself, its relations to things, others, with eternity and God. Interestingly, here Foucault speaks of the peoples uprising as the self introduction of a subjectivity (no that of great men, but that of anyone) into history and life”. For Foucault, this radical will to change an entire way of life is the truly beautiful and memorable aspect of the revolution because it reaffirms that the human spirit is beyond even the most formidable power and all calculation. He is not particularly concerned that this spiritual determination found its sources in Islam. Shi'ite Islam here appears to be simply the occasion for the expression of something deeper. The capacity to revolt, to overturn the thread of history, to risk death, is the fundamental anchorage of liberty, it is a potentiality that cannot be explained. It must simply be accepted because there are revolts, sometimes, as in the Iranian case, against all the odds. The other level of the revolution is politics: this is the domain where the “will is multiple, hesitant, confused and obscure even to itself”; this is the domain of alliance, compromise and the deal. Despite his enthusiasm for the revolution, Foucault was also a defender of human rights and did challenge the new regime to live up to its absolute ethical responsibilities and ensure that its justice was open and transparent. But Foucault’s division of the revolution into these two realities revealed a degree of political romanticism that would horrify Weber. Foucault clearly has no taste for the “slow boring of hard boards”(Weber) but does have a real kinship with an insurrection “by bare hands of whose who want to lift the fearful weight of the entire world order,” that he says, “bears down on each of us, but more specifically on them” (F&IR, p. 222). Although Foucault affirms the inevitability of resistance, this account is hardly reassuring. Resistance and revolt for Foucault are shadowy figures -- the mere limit, as the other of power, as an undifferentiated will of the oppressed that is necessarily by its very unanimity unpolitical, their status appears nothing more than a theoretical postulate or an inexplicable brute fact. Given that Foucault made it his life's work to question all conventional facts and expose their historical conditions of possibility, his reticence in the face of revolt is troubling but not inexplicable. Perhaps this is the residual humanism in Foucault: one he refuses to call by its name, a humanism just as essentialist as the one he critiques in the Western tradition. For Foucault, the phenomenon of revolt is a touchstone of hope, optimism, the dignity of primeval freedom expressed in the act of transgression. However, given his uncompromising repudiation of humanism, all we have is a glimmer called “resistance” that carries a heavy normative load but without any real normative credentials. Despite this romantic affirmation of the irrepressible and untamable, almost immediately Foucault reasserts his skeptical guard in the expectation that even the successful revolt that becomes revolutionary change will ossify and become another inhibition to liberty and barrier to transgression. Yet, it is hard to know how Foucault succeeds in distinguishing power from resistance: without normative credentials it would seem that resistance is in danger of being viewed as just another strategy of power.

23. Despite Foucault's theoretical bracketing of normative claims, he has repeatedly stressed the political character of his own work. He goes so far as to speak of his theoretical works as "only a function" of the local struggles in which he involved himself. We have already seen that he is convinced that we are all on one side or another in the battle that rages silently within stable civil existence. He also makes the point that there cannot be a neutral subject. Genealogy takes up the standpoint of the subjugated in these struggles and acclaims itself as an anti-science that attempts to remarshal the buried memories of conflict and the disqualified singular and local knowledges of the subjugated as a political/ideological challenge to the orthodox monopoly on scientificity, the existing regime of truth. This self-understanding is entirely in keeping with his idea of the specific intellectual who foregoes the universalising task of speaking the "truth" from above the contest, on behalf of mankind. The specific intellectual uses his/her expertise to develop strategies that recover suppressed knowledges, which raise the local to the threshold of scientificity and facilitate local struggles. Foucault’s embrace of the specific intellectual is at one with his whole rejection of the juridical model of sovereign power and the authority that accrues to the bearer of legitimacy. Foucault can challenge this by offering knowledges that claim not truth, but problemisation: he characterised his own works as a "toolbox", "fictions", as "fireworks". He seems to explicitly repudiate the claim to theoretical truth and positive knowledge in a way quite reminiscent of Adorno’s recourse to an aesthetic mode. He tells us:

The discourse that deciphers war’s permanent presence within society is essentially a historic-political discourse, a discourse in which truth functions as a weapon to be used for a partisan victory, a discourse that is darkly critical and at the same time intensely mythical.

Even the very one-dimensionality of his vision of modernity can be explained as a rhetorical device designed to motivate "pessimistic activism" and the right of the subjugated. An image of the depth of crisis generates action. However, as mentioned, Foucault's explicit political self-understanding is supposedly bracketed from his genealogies. He claims to avoid the pitfalls of humanism by methodologically excluding subjective meanings, of identification with subjects or struggles. Such identification would signify a capitulation to the values of the enlightenment that already stand impeached on the charge of complicity in subjugation and oppression. Only extreme caution allows the engaged philosopher to avoid legitimating particular regimes of truth and the spectre of substitutionalism (the posture of the universalising intellectual who purports to speak for the oppressed and define their interests). Foucault repudiates identification as a refusal of joining some new regime of power/knowledge. Yet, Foucault was not always consistently sceptical of normative claims. In his last years he involved himself in a number of much publicised human rights campaigns such as support for the Polish Trade Union Solidarity. Here Foucault employed "rights talk" and stressed the need for civic organisations to monitor rights independently of the state. Yet how this "rights talk" could be reconciled with his global critique of enlightenment values and bracketing of normative claims is not clear.

24. On what basis can Foucault advocate resistance to domination or why prefer struggle to submission? Clearly he has political sympathies yet how on the basis of his own theory can he distinguish between the forces of oppression and domination and those oppressed and dominated? By relinquishing the option of a normative foundation, Foucault may escape the totalising logic of the form of life and the type of theoretical discourse he finds complicit in a range of normalising practices. Without normative criteria, however, the social critic seems to disempower his/her own critique. Not only are they unable to articulate the forms of "otherness" or of action that diminish the inegalitarian logic of strategic power relations but he/she also becomes an indifferent alien merely bearing witness to the ceaseless, meaningless rotations of domination and resistance. The critics of Foucault's strategy argue that he deprives the modern rebel of any institutional or normative resources for constituting him/herself in terms other than those already provided by the prevailing dominant regimes. The difficulty of his position is exemplified by his later reversion to "rights talk". Foucault’s defenders, on the other hand, argue that his critique of modern humanism amounts to a rejection of traditional normativity. The best defence along these lines comes from Thomas Lemke. He argues that to focus on the question of norms and normativity is to miss the decisive characteristic of Foucault’s work. That is to see normativity as not outside the historical field of investigation. Norms are less a starting point than an object of an analysis and the result of conflict. Thus Foucault’s alleged weakness is a strength because it allows him to articulate the critique of the juridical model at the theoretical level by placing in question the orthodoxies of political thought and leftist critique that constrain the imagining of political alternatives; it rejects the proposition that every political intervention must compulsorily bind itself to a proof of justification by taking a position in an already fixed political system. Against this, Foucault is allegedly in the business of imagining and bring into existence new schemas of politicisation. (Lemke, T. ‘Rereading Foucault in the Shadow of Globalisation’ Constellations Vol 10 no 2, pp174/75). While I find this a very plausible and consistent reading of Foucault’s theoretical intentions, it does beg vital theoretico-practical issues. One doesn’t have to argue that norms can be outside the historical field of investigation and conflict to insist that we still need normative orientation. What stops leftist political engagement degenerating into nihilism or positivism if it has no normative orientation. It is not necessary to cease reflecting upon operative norms and testing them against their practical consequences while employing them as critical standards. On the other hand, to abandon all normative orientation leaves the critique with no other compass than the theorist’s own moral and political sensibilities. And we know that these are not always as finely tuned as we would like.

25.
It is interesting that Foucault himself continued to think about these issues right up to his death. In his 1982/83 lectures at the College that have just recently been translated into English as The Government of Self and Others he addresses the normative question in the explicit context of political democracy and the essential importance of Parresia or truth telling. The specific context is a discussion of Percilean democracy and the role of the political leader. The term “Parresia” connotes the courage to speak truthfully or frankly. For Foucault, this means more than a formal right granted to every citizen of a democracy that the Greeks termed “isegoria”. Characteristically, Foucault is less concerned with formal understandings of institutions and their practices than with the social reality of their actual operation. While all in a democracy may have the formal right to speak, he is interested in the question of who does speak. And this is where the virtue or the courage for fearless speech or truth telling comes to the fore. Beyond formal equality is a struggle about who is to speak and exercise influence, an also, the Tocquevillean question of how is the quality of public discussion to be preserved against the democratic possibility of the “tyranny of the majority”. To articulate these issues Foucault locates his discussion of Parresia in what he calls a rectangular field of competing values. At one corner is democracy in the sense of the formal equality he associated with the value of isegoria. In another corner is ascendency, or the struggle for priority and influence in the actual hurly burly of real democracy. A third corner is occupied by the explicitly normative value of truth that guards against the reduction of democratic politics to the tyranny of the majority opinion, while the final corner is occupied by risk as the empirical reality of the uncertainty and contingency of real political outcomes and the need for courage to confront such risks and the value of real political leadership in fearlessly pursuing truth telling in conditions where this may not be popular or risk free. The point to be made about this rectangle or forcefield of conflicting pressures is that Foucault does not want to eliminate the question of normativity from the theoretical discussion of politics but he does want to view it in tension with the other ingredients of the political field. For him the normative question can neither lie outside the terrain of legitimate inquiry and critique and nor should it be isolated from the other factors that constitute the absolute singularity of the specific event.  

26. However one decides this dispute between Foucault and his critics, it is clear that Foucault sees his task as to bring into question conventional normativity. This is very clear in his later work where he explores the idea of a non-normalising reconceptualisation of normativity associated with the idea of the care of the self within the paradigm of “governmentality” I spoke of a while ago. The key to this later model is that it obviates the requirement that the individual conform to a code of behaviour and thus engage in the repressive practices of self-sacrifice associated with Christianity. As Foucault tells us in his late lectures The Hermeneutics of the Subject (1982/3), “ in the mind of a Roman or a Greek, neither obedience to the rule nor obedience tout court can constitute a beautiful work. A beautiful work is one that conforms to the idea of a certain form (a certain style, a certain from of life) (H of S, p424). And this followed from the fact that neither the nomos of the city -state nor its religion, its political structures or the form of law could dictate what concretely a citizen must do concretely throughout their life (H of S, p447). For Foucault such an ethics eliminates the externally prescriptive and regulatory modality of ethics by turning to an aesthetics of living where the ethical is focused primarily on the relation the self has to itself. Foucault finds the paradigm of the care of the self in Plato and more generally in classical society. On his reading, the moral problem is converted into the practice of liberty, the art of individual self-caring or self-formation. This process of self-cultivation requires the guide, friend, the master, the election of cultural patterns belonging to society and social groups. So it would be a mistake to understand this process of self-constitution as solely a self-self relation: it is a historically constituted social relation still implying inter-subjective relations of power. While it is clear that Foucault understands the historically conditioned character of this model, he still wants to insist that this is a positive model of active subjectivisation that gives ontological priority to self-care. However, it is very important to understand what he means by this. He wants to resituate the philosophical ideal of self-knowledge in the broader context of its original spiritual exercise as a practice of self-transformation through which the subject gains access to their ontological homeland of essence and truth. Again the basis of this model is Platonic: its elements are ignorance, the discovery of ignorance through an event, question or crisis, leading to the realisation of the need to care for the self which then takes the form of knowing one’s self. This knowing is that of reflexivity, a recollection where the subject rediscovers access to what is has already seen, its homeland (H of S, p255) But the practices involved in this are not those of knowledge per se but for the subject’s very being. This emphasis on spirituality implies that the truth is never given to the subject by right, it is not an act of knowledge but of transformation and that the truth is only given at the price of bringing the subject’s being into play: that is, there can be no truth without the transformation of the subject (H of S, p15) The whole point of this excursus into a positive notion of subjectivity as “care of the self’ is to demonstrate that contemporary notions of subjectivity are historical constructs, that there are alternative models that provide cultural resources that might assist us to avoid the problems of prescription, self-sacrifice and normalisation identified as deficits in later forms of the history of subjectivity.


27. Foucault has provided us with important critical insights into modernity. He has reminded us that although existing institutions speak a language of "rights" and mouth the principles of human dignity, public pronouncements can disguise a practice of unacknowledged administrative violence. However great the advances of democratisation and public scrutiny of administrative functioning, this not only does not always constrain arbitrary power nor generate a kind of power different from administrative control. Democracy and its administrative machinery have often been complicit in disguising and masking various normalising and marginalising practices and oppressions. He warns against the increasingly pervasive social surveillance exemplified in the growing incursions of "welfare" instrumentalities. He shows how the double idioms of law and medicine perform a duet that softens our reaction to administrative violence and lulls us into the political rationality of the carcarel continuum. He has revealed that, despite its advantages, the new reign of publicity means that all of society either directly or vicariously takes over the role of judge or engages in normalising judgements.

28. These are all undoubtedly important insights. Yet, it is possible to take them all on board without succumbing to skeptical myopia that results from a totalising, global critique of modernity. Foucault's vision of modernity willfully ignores the contradictory dimensions of modernity and therefore  fails to exercise his capacity for judgement. The democratic revolutions are occasionally mentioned, but usually only to emphasize their darker side and family linkages to the growing carceral and its disciplinary matrix of micro-mechanisms and techniques. This emphasis might be justified by the novelty of Foucault's perspective and his desire to underscore the facts that had formally been swept under the carpet. Yet, strangely, Foucault's pervasive skepticism is linked to what I would argue is a vague sort of revolutionary-anarcho-romanticism. As we saw in the Iran case, he extols elemental revolt despite is real costs in terms of life and human rights. But concessions to the transgressive imagination have to be matched by a Weberian sense of responsibility that doesn’t seem to come into Foucault’s calculations.

29. For most of his theoretical output Foucault, like Horkheimer and Adorno, remained content to be a negative critic with only gestures towards transgression. Only in his last incomplete work and interviews on the ethics of subjectivity does he reject his former exclusive concentration on the subjectivity of domination. He then takes a more positive direction using Greek and Roman models of care of the self not so much as contemporary paradigms but as demonstrations that there have been alternatives to the modern universal notion of subjectivity. Until this late turn that remained unelaborated and unfinished, Foucault had sustained a vigil against the imminent domination of the contemporary regime of truth and modes of subjection. The great bulk of his work stands as a counter-discourse to humanism.

30. This total skepticism is backed by a reluctance to privilege any aspect of the present. Vigilance needs to be constant and danger is everywhere. Yet, there is reason to doubt whether such universal skepticism is sustainable not to mention ultimately productive. We have already mentioned Foucault’s uncritical appropriation of revolt and his late indulgence in "rights talk". These are instances where Foucault was compelled by his own political commitments and his own desire to resolve the theoretical impasses of his work in the seventies to move beyond universal skepticism. While it remains vitally important to know that in principle we can turn critical eyes to any aspect of our modern lives and that no value is beyond suspicion, it is practically just as relevant to acknowledge where we stand and what we value. Making choices involves discrimination. Foucault was right that such discrimination cannot occur outside of history but nor can we refuse to discriminate, rely on global skepticism or refuse to acknowledge the choices we make as real choices. We choose on the basis of what we hold to be essential and most valuable. While this was the practice of Foucault's own political life, his theoretical writings do not always fully acknowledge it.

 

Saturday, May 27, 2017

Take Home Exam 2017 Sem1



 Take Home Exam

DUE DATE: Tues 13th June
Answer any two questions (1, 000 words each). Questions to be answered on the basis of the course readings.

Submission
Through the on-line Turninit system. The Take-Home exams will not be returned and late take-home exams will normally not be accepted. The only satisfactory excuses are illness or misadventure. Submit all extension queries through the on-line Extension request system

QUESTIONS

1. Both Foucault and Weber provide forceful account of the role of power in modern economic and political organization. Compare these accounts. Does either offer anything to a contemporary consideration of these questions?

2. Consider Adorno and Touraine on the question of modern subjectivity. Who offers us the most interesting account from a contemporary perspective?

3. Weber speaks of the institutions of science giving priority to mediocrity. To what extent is this view an endorsement of Horkheimer's claim that in modernity individualism has become "ideological"? Are these views convincing?
4. Foucault speaks of the “universal reign of the normative” as characteristic of modernity while Heller argues it is characterized by a “growing awareness of contingency”. What do these authors means by these characterizations and is it possible to reconcile these two evaluations?
5. Weber’s lecture on science is an essay about disenchantment. In what sense is this true and is this different from the “dissatisfaction” that Heller views as the spirit of modernity? Which concept do you think the most useful in thinking about modernity? (This question should not be attempted by those who also did essay question 4)

6. In Discipline and Punish Foucault maintains 'in its function, the power to punish is not essentially different from that of curing and educating'. Later he argues that' Lets take the pedagogical institution...I don't see where evil is in the practice of somebody who, in a given game of truth, knowing more than another, tells him what he must do, teaches him, transmits knowledge to him, communicates skills to him.' What is the tension if any in these two positions and how does Foucault reconcile these trains of thought in the interview ‘The Ethic of the Care of the Self as a Practice of Freedom’? Is he convincing?

Monday, May 15, 2017

Lecture 9: Michel Foucault (1926-1984)



1.             Towards the end of my discussion of Horkheimer and Adorno I emphasized the theoretical and political cul de sac into which they were led by their final version of critical theory. Having maligned reason as a contaminated instrument of civilisatory barbarism, they are forced to abandon positive knowledge in favour of art and negative critique which, nevertheless, as the self-criticism of reason cannot escape the domain of conceptuality all together. At the same time, the idea of the "totally administered society" and the "end of the individual" is a totalising and oversimplified vision. The result is the practical impasse of their work: an audience reduced to the isolated survivors and an unspecified future. Now we shall turn to Michel Foucault who, although he offers an equally radical and unrelenting critique of modernity, does so from a very different standpoint. I said earlier that the Frankfurt School constructed their theory of modernity from the perspective of the missed revolution. "Revolution" is also a vital theme for Foucault. However, for him the problem has been drastically transformed. His question is how are we to think “revolution” after the demise of revolutionary Marxist politics and its emancipatory view of history. Against the Frankfurt School's pessimistic reversed philosophy of history premised on crushed humanist hopes, Foucault marshals radical historical scepticism. He announces not the "end of the individual" but the "death of man": this slogan proclaims Foucault's determination to avoid humanist values and expose their complicity in pervasive modern discourses and practices of domination. However, in terms of revolutionary hopes and prospects he suggests that today is no better nor worse than any other time. In place of what he will call the “empty shell of universal revolutionism”, he prefers the project of experimentation on limits: “to grasp the points where change is possible and desirable, and to determine the precise form this change should take”, (W is E?, Pol of Truth) p114.
2.             Foucault's biography is typical of the French intellectuals of this century. The son of a provincial bourgeois family and a father who was a surgeon, he attended the Ecole Normale just after the war. In retrospect, Foucault speaks of Heidegger and Nietzsche as his major influences but we should also add the major figures of French philosophy of science, Gaston Bachelard, Georges Canguilhem and his teacher at the Ecole Normale, Louis Althusser. As a young man he experienced difficulties coming to terms with his own homosexuality and this led to a number of attempts at suicide. After early training in psychology during the mid 50’s, he left France to lecture at the University of Uppsala in Sweden for several years and spent brief episodes as a cultural attach to French diplomatic missions while completing his dissertation. After a series of famous philosophical/historical studies in the sixties in 1968 he also took a position lecturing at the University of Tunisia. He eventually returned to France to become a Professor at the new university of Vincennes before being elected to the College de France in 1971 (the most prestigious academic appointment in France). In the early seventies he help found and was heavily involved in the GUP (Prisoner’s Information Group), a group of Maoist inspired intellectual activist committed to improving the lot of the prison populations in France and elsewhere. From the seventies Foucault became an international figure. He was active in a series of other radical social and political causes around anti-psychiatry and human rights. In retrospect, Foucault viewed the events of May 68 as a historical watershed. Although he was not in Paris at this time, these events seemed to confirm the political bankruptcy of the French Communist Party as vehicle for radical social transformation. Briefly a member of the Communist party in the early fifties, Foucault was, however, never a Marxist. From seventies, his growing international profile saw him invited to give lectures in the US and elsewhere and provide a gradually increasing series of interviews. At the time he also came out publicly as a gay man. He was teaching in California when the AIDS epidemic first appeared but he resisted the idea of having his HIV status checked. He died suddenly after a short illness in 1984 of AIDS.

2. Foucault's interest in the oppressive dimensions of modern rationality and its institutions has deep roots in his biography He personally experienced a sense of marginality and this was compounded when he began with his initial training in psychology. This training, which included some first hand experience of practice in contemporary psychiatric hospitals, engendered his distaste for institutional medicine and aroused his scepticism regarding the scientific pretensions of the human sciences. Out of this interest flowed a series of philosophic-historical works that explored the history of the modern human sciences--psychiatry, medicine, psycho-analysis, and the human sciences more generally. What distinguishes Foucault's accounts from the more orthodox historians of science was two things: his interest in discontinuity (his assertion to scientific advance was not a matter of smooth progress but of disjunction and new paradigms) and his fascination with the dark side of this purported triumph of human reason. He reveals the ways in which the human sciences function as instruments of power, social control, discipline and exclusion. He argues they are complicit in the radically new modern configuration of power/knowledge. He warns us against the humanist ideology of progress and sees behind a white coat of “objectivity” domination, governmental paternalism and talk of rehabilitation, health and welfare. He wants to dramatise the frightening completeness of this unacknowledged oppression. His theme is the 'the madness lying at the very heart of reason".

3. We have seen how the Frankfurt School constructed their theory of modernity, of the “totally administered society” from the perspective of the missed revolution. For Foucault "Revolution" is also a vital theme. Against the Frankfurt School's pessimistic reversed philosophy of history premised on crushed humanist hopes, Foucault marshals radical historical scepticism. His slogan the "death of man" proclaims the view that the idea of man was a cultural/scientific construct of the recent past (the post classical period, from 1800) that is now in crisis and that humanist values need to be treated skeptically and their complicity in pervasive modern discourses and practices of domination exposed.

4. To begin to appreciate the radicalism of Foucault's standpoint we need to focus on his critique of humanism. I already mentioned that with him the slogan of the “decline of the individual” is replaced by “the death of man”. We have seen that for the Frankfurt School with the disappearance of revolutionary social forces, the emancipatory possibilities of modernity rest on the shoulders of the modern bourgeois subject now in decline. This subject was the bearer of the Enlightenment faith in rationality and morally autonomy. However, the momentous historical crisis that brought about monopoly capitalism has undermined the social conditions that underpinned this form of subjectivity. With Foucault, the critique is deeper. Gone is the nostalgia for this declining bourgeois species: it is replaced by skeptical unmasking of former illusions. The slogan “death of man” slogan signifies the rejection of the idea of history as a unitary emancipatory process wherein the posited subject creates itself according to a predetermined essence. Foucault renovates Nietzsche’s critique of humanism viewing it as an ascetic and repressive ideological fiction. He utterly rejects the essentialist idea of the subject common to both empiricist and rationalist streams of modern philosophy. These traditions presuppose the subject was unified and invariant: as we have seen with the Enlightenment, it becomes the essential origin and final court of legitimisation for all knowledge claims and values-both of rationality and morality. Foucault wants to explore the “otherness” that he views as being both internal and foreign to the subject, that determine “their situation, their function, their perceptive capacity and their practical possibilities by conditions that dominate and even overwhelm them”. (OTxiv) He argued that philosophy had to begin from things that positively exist, what the empirical sciences reveal about life, labour and language. The subject has to be placed within this context and the emphasis will be focused on how the subject is determined by outside elements. (F&IR.p188) Because he believes that discourse and its practices is such a complex reality with numerous levels, he rejects the phenomenological approach that gives absolute priority to the knowing or observing subject, which attributes a constituent role to an act, which places its own point of view at the origin of all historicity, which…leads to a transcendent consciousness”. (OTxiv)

5. For Foucault, the Enlightenment idea of the subject as universal and unified, as the subject of law, as the ultimate arbiter of knowledge and bearer of moral autonomy is an illusion. This mode of subjectivity is a specific historico-cultural construct, of historically changing practices and discourses and there is no coherent or constant human being or condition that could sustain such a notion. Furthermore, this form of subjectivity is an instrument of social repression and subjugation. At least for the early Foucault, subjectification is a process aimed at generating obedient subjects, principally characterised by their malleability and permeability to disciplinary mechanisms. The Enlightenment version is especially oppressive because it coincides with the new more pervasive regime of rationalisation and the disciplinary modalities of power.

6. This is not to say that Foucault is simply a critic of the enlightenment: far from it. Although he believes we need to escape from the illusions tied to the above idea of a universal foundational subject, he also views Enlightenment as the basis for a new understanding of the task of philosophy. For him, this ambiguity is already at the very centre of the Kantian project. Kant is the founder of two great traditions in modern philosophy. The first associated the three critiques, concerns the exploration of modern scientific rationality and especially the conditions under which true knowledge is possible. It is this project that developed the idea of the transcendental subject as the abstract, logical foundation for all knowledge and morality. The transcendental model is the one that Foucault now rejects. However, in some of Kant’s more occasional essays, he offered another philosophical project that was primarily concerned with the immediate present, which was concerned with the question of our actuality, with modernity. (PT, 94) This second version of the task of modern philosophy comes to the centre in the late Foucault as the basis of his own final understanding of philosophy and of his interpretation of critique.

7. One of Foucault's principal aims is to peel away the historically imposed, fictive forms of individualisation, stripping subjectivity of everything that limits it. The source of this anti-subjectivist rhetoric is what I shall call Foucault’s experimental emancipatory project. He understands this project as the elimination of all limitations on human possibility. Foucault has abandoned not just all holist strategies of total transformation but also all historically created emancipatory values as complicit in oppressive regimes. He favours multiple experimental transgressions that test the limits of our historically created, but apparently necessary, conditions and forms. When critique reveals these all to be a contingent historical construct-- even our received forms of subjectivity -then, Foucault tells us, it becomes clear that almost nothing has to be the way it is. Identity may be nothing more than a received straitjacket that constrains the individual by imposing selected characteristics, desires and gestures. When it is recognised that such identity is contingent, contemporary social struggles can more uninhibitedly assert the excluded claims of difference. Clearly the sources of Foucault's suspicions against modern subjectivity lie in his continued sympathy and empathy of the insane and marginalized (prisoners, patients, gays, oppressed Third World peoples), his early experience of modern psychiatry both as a student and as a patient, his own marginalisation as a homosexual before the era of gay liberation. First-hand experience of the violence and coercion involved in modern socialization and institutional practice leads him to profoundly question this society and the constellation of values that perpetrates this continuous violence, repression and marginalisation. This leads us to the heart of the negative image of modernity that characterises Foucault's middle work --what I will call the carceral society.

8. We have seen that in one decisive respect Foucault goes much further than Weber or Horkheimer and Adorno in his critique of modernity. Despite the Frankfurt School misgivings about the self-preservative instrumental core of modern subjectivity, they could still uphold the ideal of the autonomous modern subject as an everywhere endangered critical standard and a potential ally in the struggle against the increasingly rationalised, administered totalitarian society. Foucault by comparison can see here only another shape of oppression. In fact, he argues that this depth of oppressive control is intimately connected to the pervasive character of modernity, to the unique reach, sophistication, and intensity of its disciplinary regime of normalization that reaches into the core and shapes the very sense of the modern subject. Despite his general hostility to the notion of totality as it presents itself in revolutionary rhetoric and philosophy of history, the description of modernity in his major works often has a totalising character. For example, in one interview, Foucault says “ industrial capitalism…is the harshest, most savage, most selfish, most dishonest, oppressive society one could possibly imagine’ (Dialogue with Bequir Parham’ F&IR, p.183).

9. For him, like Weber, modern western society is a unique historical constellation that has achieved an accidental yet ominous success in constituting itself as an interlocking system of requirements, norms, techniques, strategies, knowledges and practices of power. The early critique of the deformed rationality of the human sciences that remained an undertone in his histories of madness and the clinic take center stage in the works of his middle period. This now becomes a critique of the once peripheral institutions of correction and internment, their technologies and disciplines that have now moved to the center of a whole network of institutions that shape and correct individuality in modern society. Foucault opens Discipline and Punish by asserting that he is not merely writing academic history of the past but the "history of the present". His portrayal of the evolution of disciplinary techniques, juridical judgements, criminology, psychiatry and penal institutions from the end of the classical age (18th century) through into the 19th century--a supposedly descriptive but implicitly critical narrative -- expands into a comprehensive condemnation of the modern disciplinary society. Foucault wants us to look at the major institutions of modern society and of the values they have advances in a new more critical way. Foucault maintains that the rapidly expanding network of disciplinary institutions of the 19th century provided the answer to the problem of organisation, administration, surveillance and control of large populations that emerged at this time with massive populations increase and the lift-off of the bourgeois economic system.

10. These were the problems becoming constitutive for modern politics. In Foucault's mind the "carceral network" is a microcosm prefiguring the whole range of new techniques, instruments, attitudes, powers and institutions that now dominate modern society. This network has both temporal (stages of life) and spatial dimensions (variety of institutional locations and types) and manifests a range of micro-technologies of coercion. The experts, technocrats, administrators, managers and social workers preside over a comprehensive and closed system of supervision and control that is really not essentially different from the institutions of correction:

Prison continues, on those who are entrusted to it, a work begun elsewhere, which the whole society pursues on each individual through innumerable mechanisms of discipline. By means of a carceral continuum, the authority that sentences infiltrates all those other authorities that supervise, transform, correct, improve. It might be said that nothing really distinguishes them any more except the singularly "dangerous" character of the delinquents, the gravity of their departures from normal behaviour and the necessary solemnity of the ritual. But, in its function, the power to punish is not essentially different from that of curing and educating.


 11. The birth of the prison ushers in a new age where the economy and society require a new form of individual subordination. The systemic demands of this new dynamic social ensemble geared to order and productivity engendered a whole range of disciplinary mechanisms and professionals whose principal task it was to ensure the normality of the population. The imperatives of the new political economy required productive service from individuals in the interstices of their concrete lives. The regime has to gain access to the bodies of individuals and exercise control over attitudes and acts; to be most productive power had to be internalised. This degree of control was obtainable only when the teacher, the social worker and the factory manager complemented the network of penal institutions. These are all agents of an overarching, yet de-centred and anonymous, system of normalizing power that was able to supervise and judge the individual from the cradle to the grave, shaping body, gestures, aptitudes and behaviour to become “orthopaedists of individuality”. Modern society is a complex, de-centred matrix of many mechanisms that somehow interlock without any designer or controller. The nascent human sciences prove indispensable at this junction by conjuring a whole arsenal of theories, therapies and techniques especially crafted to assist in the production of the required new shape of subjectivity. In conjunction with the subjecting disciplinary practices, these new sciences objectify this subject in a whole range of scientific discourses (cases, management files, reports, investigations, knowledges) that become indispensable organs of a new social power whose domination is infinitely productive, de-centred and inescapable. In this new regime, the position of the professional and the administrator may be enhanced but they do not control the workings of the whole. The judges of normality are, nevertheless, ubiquitous. They are like tentacles of a normalising power, all the more effective as a result of its radical dispersion.

12. While both the Frankfurt School and Foucault paint uncompromisingly
harrowing portraits of the extent and depth of modern domination, neither entirely relinquishes the possibility of resistance. I have already underscored the weaknesses of Horkheimer and Adorno's emancipatory outlook. Nevertheless, while they see no sociologically significant addressee for their revamped negative critical theory, their message itself implies the possibility of resistance. Secondly, at various points in their exposé of the history of instrumental rationality, they indicate that there have been opportunities to reverse the march of domination. Domination is thus a contingent fact of history not its necessary and irreversible meaning. Finally, the theories of non-identity and mimesis hint at a residue of nature that remains non-compliant to the requirements of domination. Here is another minimal platform for resistance.

13. Foucault builds resistance into his account of modernity at a more fundamental theoretical level. While his description of the “carceral” creates the impression of a pervasive discipline infiltrating every pore and crevice, resistance remains a vital element of his novel theory of power. He says in Discipline and Punish ‘this does not mean that it (the prison system) cannot be altered, nor that it is once and for all indispensable in our kind of society’ (D&P, p.305). His works presuppose and articulate the resistance in modernity of those marginalised groups like the mentally ill, the deviant and prisoners. He conceives “resistance” itself as dispersed in accord with the multiple struggles that characterises the post-68 political terrain. Yet, Foucault provides this empirical resistance with a theoretical supplementation. He renews the Nietzschean inspired assertion that all social life is constituted by struggle and that all discourses carry a hidden power and derive from the practices of power.

14. This renewed interest in power required a rethinking of its available understandings. Foucault wants to depict and analyse the forms and techniques of a modality of power that is uniquely modern. At first glance he pursues a line of argument not unlike Marx. Marx views the democratic and legal forms of bourgeois society as a veneer that both masked and facilitated the oppression of workers. So the core categories of civil society--law, rights, autonomy, personhood, plurality, publicity, and parliament--rather than articulating the limits of domination instead support it. The classic example here is the labour contract: ostensibly a reciprocal exchange of equivalents amongst autonomous agents, in reality it encodes and conceals the asymmetrical power relations that exist in the economic sphere resulting from unequal control of the means of production. Foucault universalises this critique to the social contract in general and argues that bourgeois rights and forms obscure a deeper level of asymmetrical relations, deeper control and oppression associated with the disciplines. But he wants to radicalise this critique by revisiting the mechanisms of oppression involved and linking them to the new power relations that now pervade social life. It was not the 19th century bourgeoisie that invented and imposed relations of domination. The relations of production signify a complex level of reality that is only relatively independent. The power relations inscribed in them were inherited from the disciplinary technology of earlier times and simply modified and intensifying for their own purposes. These power relations do not emanate from a single source like the new economy and its labour relations. Rather the extension of disciplinary technology and norms make it possible to organise labour in a way the facilitates capitalist efficiency and domination.

15. This brings Foucault to a more fundamental challenge to what he calls the juridical model of power. The legal edifice of Western societies operates with a discourse of sovereign power. Even after the challenge to monarchical rule, legal right was that of sovereign power. Sovereignty is defined in juridical terms. When it is lawfully constituted, power is viewed as the legitimate right or possession of the sovereign. Legality also allows power to be put in question and see its prerogatives challenged when it is not the legitimate expression of that unified will. This juridical model articulates a specific conception of the way power is exercised. It effaces the domination intrinsic to power by legitimising it: sovereign power is the rightful expression of a lawful form of violence. Foucault argues that while the judicial model has not been completely superseded, it lacks the flexibility to capture the new modalities of power. It may have corresponded to the way power functioned under absolutist monarchies but it is now outdated. Foucault views it as merely repressive; it has only one force, the force of denial, it is the power of negation and limits. This power is a blunt instrument: expensive, poor in resources and methods, monotonous in tactics, unproductive.

16. Foucault's thesis is that a new type of power began to emerge in the late 18th century that becomes global and perfected in the 19th and 20th centuries. Unlike many thinkers who helped to construct the liberal or left narrative of emancipatory struggle, he refuses to equate this new type of power with the democratic struggles against absolutism and limited suffrage. Liberal political theory established the contractarian illusion that power issues from discreet primitive elements like individual subjects; that it can be made visible, localised and restricted to the political state whose authority is delimited and regulated by the free social community. Here Foucault's radical skepticism regarding enlightenment and its values of rationality and progress is clearly evident. He suggests that the idea that democracy, reformist humanitarianism and human rights have restricted power, made it the servant and the instrument of a genuinely common will is an illusion produced by entrapment within the juridical model of power. The new forms of power cannot be comprehended in juridical concepts as relations between sovereigns and subjects or in terms of the opposition between state and society. In fact, they predate these relations and oppositions and were absolutely integral to their emergence. Before personhood was the disciplinary technology and normalising processes that shaped the modern subject as such a bearer of bourgeois right. For Foucault, the state is not sole or even primary source of these relations. They emerged beneath the visible struggles over sovereignty in the revolutions of the bourgeois period within the grid of disciplinary institutions (convent, army, the clinic, the school, hospital, the factory and the prison). Because these institutions emerged almost silently within the womb of the old society, their essential shape is not constrained by the new forms of state legitimacy and the sphere of bourgeois publicity. They remained largely outside the specific projects of liberalisation and democratisation. One of Foucault's major points is that the public, impersonal, rule-bound character of the administrative power of state bureaucracies and agencies does nothing to restrict or limit the reach or scope of disciplinary power. Foucault even refers to this as “counter-law”.What he means is that the lawyer and the bureaucrat legitimate a whole other tier of power that then has the scope and the warrant to work on the bodies of those in their charge: the teacher, doctor, social worker, the prison guard, the psychiatrist who operate those multiple processes of discipline and normalisation. Simultaneously, the very idea of punishment is softened, rendered not only just, but also more humane and rehabilitatory, more constructive.